The impact of institutional factors on the representation of women in Parliament

Diplomarbeit von Martina Hoffhaus

Abstract:

During the 1970s female political representation in mainstream politics increased. The reason was the interaction of several factors, namely the explosion in education, the continuing urbanisation, and especially the women's movementl. More and more women became party members and stood for candidacy, however this politicization effect was not reflected in the number of woinen elected. This situation is more marked in Britain than in West Germany. Percentage figures for elected candidates and party members underline this: About 50 percent of all British party members are female (in contrast to only about 25 percent in Germany) but only 9,2 percent are represented in Parliament. (While in Germany it is 20,4 percent). More and more women in both countries stand for candidacy, but the percentage of female representatives in Britain has remained constant since 1964 (only the last election showed an increase), while in the Federal Republic (since 1972) there is a slight but steady increase. How do we explain this?

First it is important to ask whether it matters that in a democracy women or any other group are greatly underrepresented, so long as all Members of Parliament are chosen in free and fair elections.

Women constitute more than half of the population. With 20,4 percent in the West German Parliament and 9,2 in the British, this half is extremely underrepresented.(Women share this problem with blue-collar workers, with older people and young people.

Proponents of the first view argue that the deficit of women in Parliament (and in all other political officbs, especially the senior ones) contradicts the equality provision of the Basic Law/Constitution.

It is a well known fact that women in political decision making bodies are rare. Yet, this view does not give any explanations as to why the representation of women in politics should be "adequate", which would mean political positions held by women at least according to their party membership if not according to the female population rate, hence 50:50. Why should there not be, for instance, 70 percent women in Parliament or in other positions?

Another view holds that women and men have different political interests because of gender-based differentiations throughout the social structure. Female exclusion from or underrepresentation in political activities therefore means that women's interests are poorly represented. Implicit in this Position is the assumption that women in politics do, or could pursue different issues than men do and. thus coüld ehange politics as a whole.

Beate Hoecker in her empirical survey an Party members in Bremen (a state in Northern Germany) found that men prefer ecbnomic,- social,- and foreign policy issues while women are more interested in disarmament,- ecological,- and social policy. She additionally showed that only the women in the Party (and not one single man) considered women's issues important. Given these results she concludes:

'Men and women have a different understanding of what is relevant in politics, therefore, a stronger participation of women in politics will change the content of Politics and the decisions." What has been found in Bremen might be very different for the rest of the Federal Republic and for Britain.This can only be an assumption as there are no other empirical surveys. Vicky Randall makes a valid point. She argues:

"It seems ... that women politicians do not behave very differently from men. Their differences in political style are at least partially attributable to their lack of Power. Similarily their apparant specialisation in feminine areas of policy-making largely reflects the role assigned to them by male - dominated political institutions." So both arguments have their justification but they are also questionable as thay have not been empirically proven to a sufficient extent. There is very little specialized research work an the effect of institutional factors. Especially little is known an the impact of the electoral system and the selection of female candidates in West Germany and Britain. Further intensive research is needed. In the following I intend to contribute to a discussion.

In this dissertation I will analyse the factors which prevent women, who are already politically active in one way or another, from becoming a Member of Parliament. The question put forward here is why more than 50 percent of the whole population are so poorly represented in Parliament?

One important "institutional" factor is the electoral system. It is argued that the British "first-past-the-post" system constitutes a greater hindrance for female candidates than Proportional Representation does. Furthermore the effect of the electoral system an female representation cannot be seen seperately from the political parties which are the key actors in the effort to recruit more women into politics. Parties, i.e. the selection committees appoint and select their candidates. What are the criteria for selection and how does this effect women? These questions will be answered in the first chapter.

Candidates for political offices are normally selected an the basis of faithful service within the party over a long period of time, or, due to outstanding work experience. Hence, another crucial factor to be considered is the career pattern of the parties. The second chapter analyses why these patterns suit the white middle-class male candidate best. (Elite research).

Table of Contents:

	INTRODUCTION	2
I.	THE IMPACT OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND THE IMPORTANCE OF THE SELECTION OF CANDIDATES/SELECTORS	5
I.1	THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND HOW IT EFFECTS THE SELECTORS	11
I.2	HOW SAFE ARE THE SEATS FOR WOMEN	13
I.3	ELECTORAL SYSREM AND MINORITY PARTIES	16
I.4	DISCRIMINATION BY THE SELECTORATE?	20
II.	CAREER PATTERNS, HOW THEY EFFECT FEMALE RECRUITMENT	24
III.	WHAT CAN BE DONE TO INCREASE THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN'S MP'S?	29
	CONCLUSIONS	34
	END NOTES	35
	BIBLIOGRAPHY	37